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Vajpayee's grip is firm as ever

A K Bhattacharya

A few months ago, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had given enough indication of an imminent retirement from active politics.

This, seasoned political analysts had then argued, would pave the way for his long-time colleague Lal Krishna Advani to take charge of the government. What gave credence to this analysis was the appointment of Advani as the deputy prime minister at around the same time.

A senior minister in the government even said privately that it was unlikely that the BJP would have Vajpayee as its leader to fight the next general election.

That is why, he had reasoned, Advani was made the deputy prime minister so that the government could get revitalised and the party would be ready to fight the next election under a new leader.

Vajpayee's lukewarm response to his ministerial colleagues' open defiance of the government's policy on divestment was interpreted as a sign of a prime minister who had thrown in the towel.

Vajpayee did not even address his party colleagues in Parliament and let that task be performed by Advani. Another indication of the prime minister losing grip over his government and the party was his inability to tame Narendra Modi, the Gujarat chief minister, who had failed to control communal riots and was even accused of having stoked communal violence in the state.

But things have begun to change in the last few weeks. Like a master politician, Vajpayee chose as insignificant a forum as the release of a labour ministry journal to announce that he was not yet ready to be written off.

While endorsing the need for a debate on divestment, he decried the move to scuttle the government's policies.

It was a speech that would be long remembered for Vajpayee's righteous anger against those ministers who had managed to stall the divestment process.

And if reports doing the rounds on Raisina Hill are to be believed, Vajpayee was not amused when he learnt on his flight back from London that Advani had held forth on the completion of the Vajpayee government's three years and that the deputy prime minister had announced, in the same news conference, that divestment in strategic public sector undertakings was still subject to a review, which was to be completed not earlier than the deadline of three months.

While embarking on his European tour, Vajpayee had left no one in doubt that the divestment debate would be ended much before the earlier three-month deadline.

So why did Advani seek to reiterate the three-month deadline? Also, there were many questions on why it was Advani who held the news conference on the completion of three years of a government that was headed by Vajpayee.

Soon, even these doubts were set at rest. Vajpayee gave none else than Advani the responsibility to thrash out the differences over divestment voiced by ministers like George Fernandes and Ram Naik.

Advani has now convened such a meeting to resolve the differences.

On Gujarat, Vajpayee has now set at rest all doubts about his government's stand. By giving clear instructions to Narendra Modi to adhere to the Chief Election Commissioner's directives and with the state administration foiling any attempt by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to hold its rally, Vajpayee has redeemed himself and his position.

The prime minister now seems to be in command.

Vajpayee's decision to include Arun Shourie as a member of his delegation on the European tour was seen as his way of ticking off those in the government who were baying for the divestment minister's blood.

The decision to include Shourie has to be seen in the context of requests made by another senior minister to be part of the delegation, which obviously was politely turned down.

And when the indisposed Murasoli Maran's responsibilities as the commerce and industries minister had to be entrusted to a new minister, Vajpayee chose Shourie again. Instead of getting rid of Shourie, Vajpayee has now given him additional ministerial responsibility.

Eventually, he may reshuffle the ministerial portfolios. But for the present, Vajpayee has sent out the signal that it is the prime minister's writ that will run.

Immediately after Advani was made the deputy prime minister, a proposal to set up a deputy prime minister's office had been mooted.

There were also reports that Advani might soon have an economic advisor. But today there is no talk of even a deputy prime minister's office, let alone an economic advisor for Advani!

Even the Prime Minister's Office seems to have regained its lost clout. The prime minister's principal secretary Brajesh Mishra continues to have the final say in key appointments.

The proposal to appoint A K Purwar as the chairman of State Bank of India was opposed by the Sangh Parivar. But an influential Mumbai-based industrial house backed the proposal.

The file was held up in the finance minister's office because of these differences.

But finally the PMO called for the file and cleared Purwar's appointment.

Nagpur lost to Mumbai because Mishra was in favour of the proposal.

Last Saturday, Vajpayee held an informal lunch with senior journalists. Referring to his directive to the Gujarat government to enforce the CEC's orders, somebody asked him why he had not taken such affirmative action against Narendra Modi earlier.

"It didn't occur to me," Vajpayee said nonchalantly. That was a reply from a supremely confident prime minister. When you are in command, you can afford to give such casual answers. Not otherwise.

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